Exploring New Approaches to Unsettled Legal Questions

Tag: Constitutional Law Page 1 of 4

Wrong All Along: Why Using Deliberate Indifference for Claims by People Incarcerated Awaiting Trial is Unconstitutional

by Megan Haddad*

Almost half a million people in U.S. jails are considered “pretrial detainees” 1—people who are incarcerated while they await trial. Yet even though our criminal system presumes that the pretrial detainee is innocent, for decades federal courts of appeals have assumed that when jail officials fail to protect people detained pretrial, those people are entitled only to the diminished constitutional rights of “a prisoner”—a person who is incarcerated after being convicted. Although some circuit courts have begun to reverse course on this issue in response to Kingsley v. Hendrickson, application of the “prisoner” constitutional standard was always incorrect. This Contribution argues that deliberate indifference—the legal standard announced in Estelle v. Gamble and Farmer v. Brennan, which holds that the prisoner can only establish a constitutional violation by showing officials are deliberately indifferent to a substantial risk of harm—should never have been applied to pretrial detainee claims. This Contribution first describes the difference between the pretrial detainee and prisoner status, including how each corresponds to a different constitutional provision (the Due Process Clause and the Cruel and Unusual Punishments Clause, respectively). It then discusses the deliberate indifference standard, and how it is inextricably linked to the Cruel and Unusual Punishments Clause. Finally, it demonstrates that Supreme Court jurisprudence has always indicated that pretrial detainee claims warrant a different, Due Process Clause-based standard, and urges litigants to use the full picture of pretrial detainee/prisoner jurisprudential history to convince the remaining circuits to abandon the deliberate indifference standard for pretrial detainee claims.

Farmer versus Kingsley: Applying the Subjective Standard to Evaluate Deliberate Indifference Claims Brought by Incarcerated Individuals Awaiting Trial

by Jodi Lessner*

Section 1983 of the United States Code establishes a statutory basis for individuals to sue state and local government officials in federal court for violating their constitutional or federal statutory civil rights. For incarcerated individuals awaiting trial, § 1983 claims brought against corrections officials for unconstitutional conditions of confinement are rooted in the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, as opposed to § 1983 claims for those who have already been convicted, which are rooted in the Eighth Amendment. In Kingsley v. Hendrickson, the Supreme Court ruled that an objective standard should be used to analyze § 1983 claims for excessive force brought under the Fourteenth Amendment by incarcerated individuals awaiting trial. However, claims of deliberate indifference, which contain an inherently subjective component, defy analysis utilizing an objective standard. Therefore, this Contribution argues a subjective standard, as applied to the deliberate indifference claim brought by a convicted individual in Farmer v. Brennan, should also apply to deliberate indifference claims brought by individuals awaiting trial. 

Editorial Discretion and Doxing: Possibilities for Social Media Regulation After Moody v. NetChoice, LLC

by Patience T. Adegboyega*

As technology continues to advance, legislatures are understandably concerned about maintaining the safety of their citizens. Doxing, the act of publicly releasing another’s information online, poses a threat to public safety. However, any legislation targeting doxing will have to be mindful to not infringe on the First Amendment rights of internet providers. In Moody v. NetChoice, LLC., the United States Supreme Court held that editorial discretion—the constitutionally protected right of older forms of media like newspapers to decide what speech they will or will not disseminate—also applies to social media platforms. This Contribution first lays out the framework courts use to analyze First Amendment speech issues, explores the meaning of editorial discretion, and demonstrates that doxing statutes targeting social media platforms may struggle to overcome First Amendment challenges based on editorial discretion. It then proposes a law that could address a platform’s response to doxing without triggering editorial discretion protections. Alternatively, it argues that even if such doxing regulation infringed on editorial discretion, states’ legitimate interests in enacting such legislation sufficiently outweigh the platform’s right to editorial discretion. While this Contribution does not explore it fully, it also recognizes that Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act of 1996 poses an additional barrier for the proposed doxing regulation if it survives constitutional scrutiny.

A Tool for Judicial Traffic Control: The Pragmatic Case for Why Heck Dismissals Ought Not Always Count as PLRA Strikes

by Austin Upshaw *

Since Congress passed the Prison Litigation Reform Act (PLRA) in 1996, courts have struggled to harmonize one of its key provisions—the ‘three-strikes rule’—with the Heck bar, a rule derived from Heck v. Humphrey, which prevents district courts from reaching the merits of Section 1983 claims that attack the validity of a conviction before that conviction has been overturned on appeal or through collateral proceedings. The PLRA’s three-strikes rule provides that if an incarcerated person has had three or more of their suits dismissed for failing to state a claim, they can no longer proceed in forma pauperis. Denial of in forma pauperis effectively prevents indigent incarcerated people from accessing relief in federal court. The crux of the Heck issue is a procedural one: is every Heck dismissal equivalent to a dismissal for failure to state a claim under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 12(b)(6)? The current circuit split mainly concerns whether Heck created a pleading requirement Section 1983 plaintiffs must plead and prove, or whether it is a waivable affirmative defense. But that focus is misplaced because a Heck-barred complaint can be properly dismissed under 12(b)(6) regardless of whether it is a pleading requirement or an affirmative defense. The better way to resolve the issue is on pragmatic, policy-driven grounds. The Heck bar is best treated as a ripeness doctrine that district courts can bypass at their sound discretion. If Heck is treated as a tool for judicial traffic control, rather than a rigid jurisdictional bar, district courts can ensure meritorious claims are not wrongfully treated as ‘strikes’ under the PLRA.

The Free Exercise Clause and School Funding: Why a State’s Exclusion of Jewish Orthodox Schools from Funding Does Not Violate the First Amendment

by Edward Stein*

Recent disputes over government’s exclusion of religious private schools from public funding shine new light on the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment, which commands that the government “shall make no law . . . prohibiting the free exercise” of religion. The Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (“IDEA”) offers states federal funds to assist in educating children with disabilities. The question remains whether a state government’s exclusion of Jewish Orthodox schools from IDEA funding triggers strict scrutiny under the Free Exercise Clause. This Contribution argues that exclusion of Jewish Orthodox schools from IDEA funding does not impose a sufficiently substantial burden on the religious exercise of Jewish Orthodox schools or their students’ families, and thus does not trigger strict scrutiny. First, this Contribution situates this issue by explaining the difference between direct and indirect burdens. Second, it distinguishes Jewish Orthodox parents from prior free exercise claimants to show that they do not face a substantial burden. Finally, it contends that Jewish Orthodox schools are also not subject to a substantial burden because they face a permissible use-based exclusion.

Lending a Helping or Harmful Hand? Why Federal Magistrate Judges Should Not Accept Felony Guilty Pleas

by Mariana Lopez*

Magistrate judges perform a crucial role in the federal judiciary system by reducing the administrative burden on Article III judges. Courts, however, remain divided on the scope of magistrates’ duties, and importantly, whether they have  final decision-making authority to accept felony guilty pleas under Rule 11 of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure. Vesting this duty in a magistrate judge violates the Federal Magistrates Act, which allows district judges to delegate “additional duties as are not inconsistent with the Constitution and the laws of the United States.”1 The weightiness of this task, the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, and the separation of powers doctrine enshrined in the Constitution should prohibit magistrate judges from accepting guilty pleas, regardless of a criminal defendant’s consent, and require magistrates to submit a report and recommendation to an Article III judge who may then accept the plea. As the consequences of a felony verdict weigh heavily on defendants and our judicial system, this task should remain in the hands of a constitutionally endorsed Article III Judge.

Striking “the Average Person as Quite Strange”: Why the Supreme Court Should Not Heed Justice Alito’s Concerns if It Chooses to Take Up the Issue of Acquitted-Conduct Sentencing

by Lindsay Campbell*

The Supreme Court recently denied certiorari in McClinton v. United States—a case which would have required the Court to consider whether the use of acquitted conduct in sentencing violates criminal defendants’ rights under the Constitution. This piece considers and responds to Justice Alito’s concurrence in the Court’s denial, arguing that Justice Alito misconstrues the constitutional issues presented by Petitioner’s claims. Specifically, he inaccurately conflates acquitted conduct and uncharged conduct; he overemphasizes the role stare decisis would play in the Court’s ruling; and he expresses concerns over the workability of criminal sentencing absent the use of acquitted conduct—concerns which only serve to highlight the unconstitutionality of the United States’ present sentencing scheme. If the Supreme Court were to take up this issue, Justice Alito’s considerations should not bar the Court from finding that the use of acquitted conduct in sentencing violates criminal defendants’ right to due process under the Fifth Amendment and their right to a trial by jury under the Sixth Amendment.

Resisting the Essentialist Trap: Title IX, School Bathrooms, and Nonbinary Identities in a Post-Bostock World

by Zachary Kasdin*

Should courts extend the protections of Title IX of the Civil Rights Act to protect not only transgender students who identify within the binary genders “male” or “female,” but also to nonbinary, gender-nonconforming (“GNC”), and intersex students? In this Contribution, Zachary Kasdin (’24) analyzes the two leading doctrinal approaches to the question of whether a school discriminates against a transgender student “because of sex” when it denies that student access to whichever bathroom aligns with their gender identity. He then argues that, despite some difficulties, both approaches leave room for nonbinary, GNC, and intersex students to bring compelling Title IX claims in the school bathroom-access context.

An Exception that Swallows the Rule: Limiting the Automobile Exception to Prohibit Warrantless Searches of Electronic Data in Cars

by Lucy Sundelson*

The Supreme Court has long held that under the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution, “warrantless searches are per se unreasonable,” except in a few limited circumstances.1 One exception to the rule is the automobile exception, which allows police to conduct a warrantless search of a vehicle and its contents with probable cause. Over time, the automobile exception has expanded beyond its original purpose, allowing police to search cars and their contents indiscriminately, and its modern application threatens to swallow the warrant requirement altogether. Computer technology offers an opportunity for courts to limit the breadth of the automobile exception and ensure it remains faithful to the purpose of the Fourth Amendment: given the profoundly private information computers and cell phones store, courts must hold that the exception does not extend to such devices. While the Court has not ruled directly on this issue, two recent decisions dealing with other exceptions to the warrant requirement make clear that the Justices agree electronic data must be handled differently than other belongings in the Fourth Amendment context. Courts should use these decisions to prohibit the warrantless search of cell phones and other similar electronic devices, even when they are found within cars.

“You’re Blocked”: Section 1983 Liability in the Age of Social Media

by Emma Becker*

With the advent of social media, a digital “town square” was created whereby elected officials and their constituents could interact in new, unforeseen ways. With the creation of this new space, however, came difficult First Amendment questions regarding digital access to officials via social media. When elected officials block constituents from their social media accounts are they acting under “color of state law,” thereby violating the First Amendment rights of those who are blocked? This Contribution argues that to determine whether an elected official is acting under “color of state law” when blocking constituents, courts should undertake a totality of the circumstances analysis, focusing on whether the social media account is swathed in the trappings of the official’s office, and whether the social media account was used as a tool of governance.

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